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During his first presidency and in his campaign leading up to the 2024 election, Donald Trump repeatedly pledged to crack down on illegal immigration. As president-elect, Trump posted on Truth Social on Nov. 18 confirming his plans to declare a national emergency and use the U.S. military for mass deportations of undocumented immigrants. Trump commented “TRUE!!!” with a repost of a Truth Social post from Tom Fitton, who runs the conservative group Judicial Watch . Fitton’s post reads, “GOOD NEWS: Reports are incoming @RealDonaldTrump administration prepared to declare a national emergency and will use military assets to reverse the Biden invasion through a mass deportation program.” Several VERIFY readers, including Debbie, Jacq and Matty, asked us whether Trump can use the military to carry out mass deportations. THE QUESTION Can the president use the military to carry out mass deportations? THE SOURCES David Bier , director of immigration studies at the Cato Institute Peter Margulies , law professor at Roger Williams University Elizabeth Goitein , senior director of the Brennan Center for Justice’s Liberty & National Security Program Brennan Center for Justice President Joe Biden’s Executive Order #14097 Department of Homeland Security The Posse Comitatus Act U.S. Section 502(f) National Defense Authorization Act of 2016 Lawfare , a nonprofit organization THE ANSWER Yes, it's legal for the president to use the military to help carry out mass deportations and other immigration enforcement actions. The National Guard, with approval from a state's governor, can detain individuals, but the other branches of the military can offer mostly logistical support. WHAT WE FOUND A president has the executive power to deploy the military to assist with immigration enforcement, but there are legal limits on the role the military can play. The Posse Comitatus Act, a 143-year-old law, prohibits the president from using active-duty, full-time service members, such as soldiers or Marines, as a police force, according to the Brennan Center for Justice . That means federal military branches like the U.S. Army or Air Force can’t perform tasks such as detaining individuals or making arrests on U.S. soil, even under a national emergency declaration. David Bier, director of immigration studies at the Cato Institute, explained that active-duty service members, barred from acting like police under Posse Comitatus, would likely focus on non-law enforcement tasks. That could include building infrastructure, like temporary detention facilities, transporting detainees and providing armed backup for domestic law enforcement. The Posse Comitatus Act, however, does not apply to the National Guard, Peter Margulies, a law professor at Roger Williams University, told VERIFY. “The National Guard is a state militia and can be called out by the president with the cooperation of the state governors, and so you could have the National Guard from, let's say, Texas, be used for apprehension. That would not create Posse Comitatus issues,” Margulies said. Trump's post on Truth Social mentioned declaring a national emergency, but the president can request National Guard assistance or federal military assistance with or without declaring a national emergency , according to Chris Mirasola, a contributor for non-profit Lawfare. The Brennan Center for Justice explains that declaring a national emergency grants a president with swift authority during times of crises without waiting for Congressional approval, including diverting federal funds or resources. Both Bier and Margulies told VERIFY Trump's deportation agenda would likely face significant legal challenges and be subject to congressional oversight. And if he declares a national emergency, Congress has the ability to eventually terminate that declaration , but it would require passing a law with a veto-proof supermajority, “which is increasingly difficult in our polarized political environment,” Goitein told VERIFY. Military involvement in immigration enforcement is not unprecedented. In 2019, then-President Trump declared a national emergency to redirect military funds to construct the U.S.-Mexico border wall. More recently, President Joe Biden used a national emergency declaration to deploy the National Guard to the southern border to assist with processing and facility operations tied to drug enforcement. According to Google Trends data , online searches about mass deportation have spiked, with some appearing to link the military's involvement to martial law. Martial law involves the suspension of ordinary law and government functions, with military authorities assuming control. Margulies said even if Trump uses the military in his administration’s deportation efforts, it would not equate to declaring martial law. Margulies explained that martial law hasn’t been used since the Civil War and is “profoundly unlikely” to happen as part of Trump’s proposed initiative because he doesn’t need martial law to execute his deportation plans.The decision to boost gold reserves comes at a time when global economic uncertainties are on the rise, with trade tensions and geopolitical risks casting a shadow over the stability of traditional reserve currencies. Gold has always been considered a safe-haven asset, providing protection against currency fluctuations and economic downturns. By increasing its gold holdings, the PBOC is strengthening its financial resilience and hedging against potential risks in the international financial market.INSIDE WINNIPEG POLITICS: Life in Manitoba is going to get more expensive in 2025
Esposito's versatility and ability to play across the front line make him an attractive option for Inter Milan, who are in need of reinforcements to mount a serious challenge in both Serie A and the Champions League next season.On this particular visit, Xue Jianing brought along a bouquet of flowers and a handwritten note for Zhao Lusi, expressing her pride and admiration for her friend's dedication and talent. The two actresses were seen sharing laughter and heartfelt conversations, showcasing the deep bond that exists between them.
President-elect Donald Trump campaigned on the promise that his policies would reduce high borrowing costs and lighten the financial burden on American households. But what if, as many economists expect, interest rates remain elevated, well above their pre-pandemic lows? Trump could point a finger at the Federal Reserve, and in particular at its chair, Jerome Powell, whom Trump himself nominated to lead the Fed. During his first term, Trump repeatedly and publicly ridiculed the Powell Fed, complaining it kept interest rates too high. Trump’s attacks on the Fed raised widespread concern about political interference in the Fed’s policymaking. Powell, for his part, emphasized the importance of the Fed’s independence: “That gives us the ability to make decisions for the benefit of all Americans at all times, not for any particular political party or political outcome.” Political clashes might be inevitable in the next four years. Trump’s proposals to cut taxes and impose steep and widespread tariffs are a recipe for high inflation in an economy operating at close to full capacity. And if inflation were to reaccelerate, the Fed would need to keep interest rates high. Because Powell won’t necessarily cut rates as much as Trump will want. And even if Powell reduces the Fed’s benchmark rate, Trump’s own policies could keep other borrowing costs — such as mortgage rates — elevated. The sharply higher tariffs that Trump vowed to impose could worsen inflation. And if tax cuts on things like tips and overtime pay — another Trump promise — quickened economic growth, that, too, could fan inflationary pressures. The Fed would likely respond by slowing or stopping its rate cuts, thereby thwarting Trump’s promises of lower borrowing rates. The central bank might even raise rates if inflation worsens. “The risk of conflict between the Trump administration and the Fed is very high,” Olivier Blanchard, former top economist at the International Monetary Fund, said recently. If the Fed increases rates, “it will stand in the way of what the Trump administration wants.” Yes, but with the economy sturdier than expected, the Fed’s policymakers may cut rates only a few more times — fewer than anticipated just a month or two ago. And those rate cuts might not reduce borrowing costs for consumers and businesses very much. The Fed’s key short-term rate can influence rates for credit cards, small businesses and some other loans. But it has no direct control over longer-term interest rates. These include the yield on the 10-year Treasury note, which affects mortgage rates. The 10-year Treasury yield is shaped by investors’ expectations of future inflation, economic growth and interest rates as well as by supply and demand for Treasuries. An example occurred this year. The 10-year yield fell in late summer in anticipation of a Fed rate cut. Yet once the first rate cut occurred Sept. 18, longer-term rates didn’t fall. Instead, they began to rise again, partly in anticipation of faster economic growth. Trump also proposed a variety of tax cuts that could swell the deficit. Rates on Treasury securities might then have to be increased to attract enough investors to buy the new debt. “I honestly don’t think the Fed has a lot of control over the 10-year rate, which is probably the most important for mortgages,” said Kent Smetters, an economist and faculty director at the Penn Wharton Budget Model. “Deficits are going to play a much bigger role in that regard.” Occasional or rare criticism of the Fed chair isn’t necessarily a problem for the economy, so long as the central bank continues to set policy as it sees fit. But persistent attacks would tend to undermine the Fed’s political independence, which is critically important to keeping inflation in check. To fight inflation, a central bank often must take steps that can be highly unpopular, notably by raising interest rates to slow borrowing and spending. Political leaders typically want central banks to do the opposite: keep rates low to support the economy and the job market, especially before an election. Research has found that countries with independent central banks generally enjoy lower inflation. Even if Trump doesn’t technically force the Fed to do anything, his persistent criticism could still cause problems. If markets, economists and business leaders no longer think the Fed is operating independently and instead is being pushed around by the president, they’ll lose confidence in the Fed’s ability to control inflation. Once consumers and businesses anticipate higher inflation, they usually act in ways that fuel higher prices — accelerating their purchases, for example, before prices increase further, or raising their own prices if they expect their expenses to increase. “The markets need to feel confident that the Fed is responding to the data, not to political pressure,” said Scott Alvarez, a former general counsel at the Fed. He can try, but it would likely lead to a prolonged legal battle that could even end up at the Supreme Court. At a November news conference, Powell made clear that he believes the president doesn’t have legal authority to do so. Most experts think Powell would prevail in the courts. And from the Trump administration’s perspective, such a fight might not be worth it. Powell’s term ends in May 2026, when the White House could nominate a new chair. It is also likely the stock market would tumble if Trump attempted such a brazen move. Bond yields would probably increase, too, sending mortgage rates and other borrowing costs up. Financial markets might also react negatively if Trump is seen as appointing a loyalist as Fed chair to replace Powell in 2026. Yes, and in the most egregious cases, it led to stubbornly high inflation. Notably, President Richard Nixon pressured Fed Chair Arthur Burns to reduce interest rates in 1971, which the Fed did, as Nixon sought reelection the next year. Economists blame Burns’ failure to keep rates sufficiently high for contributing to the entrenched inflation of the 1970s and early 1980s. Thomas Drechsel, an economist at the University of Maryland, said that when presidents intrude on the Fed’s interest rate decisions, “it increases prices quite consistently and it increases expectations, and ... that worries me because that means inflation might become quite entrenched.” Since the mid-1980s, with the exception of Trump in his first term, presidents have scrupulously refrained from public criticism of the Fed. “It’s amazing, how little manipulation for partisan ends we have seen of that policymaking apparatus,” said Peter Conti- Brown, a professor of financial regulation at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. “It really is a triumph of American governance.” Get local news delivered to your inbox!It is easy to be swayed by the temptations of wealth, power, and prestige, especially when one has been educated at a top-tier institution and is surrounded by peers who are also striving for success. However, it is important to remember that true success is not measured by material wealth or social status, but by the impact that one has on the world and the contributions that one makes to society.
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