mcw casino money game
2025-01-10   

mcw casino money game Bangladesh court bans publication of speeches by ousted Prime Minister HasinaLineage Cell Therapeutics Announces First Closing of up to $66 Million Registered Direct Offering

As the blue snowstorm alert continues to loom over the region, the Gansu Transportation Department remains vigilant and committed to safeguarding the integrity of transportation infrastructure and the well-being of the public. Through proactive measures, effective coordination, and community engagement, the department strives to mitigate the impacts of severe weather events and ensure the resilience of the transportation network in Gansu.

There was much chatter recently in Parliament and online forums on the future of Singapore’s much-cherished hawker culture ( Govt sets out ways it helps sustain hawker culture, alleviate cost pressures on Singaporeans , Nov 14). Senior Minister of State for Manpower and Sustainability and the Environment Koh Poh Koon listed the Government’s three objectives in its hawker policy – affordable food options, sustainability of the hawker trade, and the preservation of our unique “local” hawker culture. However, the discussions merely scratched the surface of hawker issues, failing to adequately address two core tenets of hawker preservation: civic participation and a future-oriented hawker policy. First, discussions have discounted the role of civic participation in supporting the hawker trade. As a citizenry, we often take retiring popular hawkers as a yardstick of a dying trade, a misaligned benchmark given that they represent only a minority of hawkers. The majority comprises a long list of less popular and younger hawkers who need our recurrent support. How many of us routinely buy from these stalls? Extending our support to this group is crucial for the trade’s longevity. Hawking is no longer a vocation of necessity but one of choice. For the trade to survive through future generations, Singaporeans must become more supportive of young people entering this field. Second, the Government must engage in a more forward-thinking hawker policy. The current policy focuses mainly on operational matters, such as keeping rent low and maintaining cleanliness. While this is essential, it is also time to explore a hawker policy beyond day-to-day considerations and formally recognise the broader social and economic impacts of hawker centres. This would further entrench their importance in Singaporeans’ everyday lives and add to their continued relevance. Discussions on preserving a uniquely Singaporean or local hawker identity may also be counterproductive. What is truly uniquely Singaporean? Are young hawkers’ edgy offerings any less authentic? Are coffee shop hawkers any less culturally Singaporean than those at hawker centres? Likely not. As a researcher of Singaporean hawker centre history and hawker politics, I have observed that food is an extension of people and culture, and as Singapore evolves, so will our food. Framing “authenticity” with rigid OB markers is a slippery slope from which we should move away altogether. Ultimately, hawker policies must go beyond operational considerations and delve into “softer” aspects of cultural evolution and socio-economic salience. Preserving our hawker culture requires a collaborative effort between the Government and citizenry, alongside an attitudinal refresh. By supporting both established and emerging hawkers, we can ensure this cherished practice thrives in modern Singapore. Ryan Kueh Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you. Read 3 articles and stand to win rewards Spin the wheel now

SAN FRANCISCO , Dec. 5, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Docusign, Inc. (NASDAQ: DOCU) today announced results for its fiscal quarter ended October 31, 2024. Prepared remarks and the news release with the financial results will be accessible on Docusign's website at investor.docusign.com prior to its webcast. "Docusign delivered powerful new innovation for customers highlighted by new capabilities to its Intelligent Agreement Management ("IAM") platform," said Allan Thygesen , CEO of Docusign. "In Q3, early IAM momentum outpaced expectations, and we continued to drive improvement in our core business with strong revenue growth and operating profit." Third Quarter Financial Highlights A reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP financial measures has been provided in the tables included in this press release. An explanation of these measures is also included below under the heading "Non-GAAP Financial Measures and Other Key Metrics." Key Business Highlights: IAM Product Releases and Highlights : Docusign announced new product capabilities to its IAM platform. Highlights from recent product releases include: Contract Lifecycle Management ("CLM") Product Releases and Highlights : Developer Ecosystem: Guidance The company currently expects the following guidance: Total revenue $758 to $762 Subscription revenue $741 to $745 Billings $870 to $880 Non-GAAP gross margin 81.0 % to 82.0 % Non-GAAP operating margin 27.5 % to 28.5 % Non-GAAP diluted weighted-average shares outstanding 209 to 214 Total revenue $2,959 to $2,963 Subscription revenue $2,885 to $2,889 Billings $3,056 to $3,066 Non-GAAP gross margin 81.9 % to 82.1 % Non-GAAP operating margin 29.5 % to 29.7 % Non-GAAP diluted weighted-average shares outstanding 210 to 212 A reconciliation of non-GAAP guidance measures to corresponding GAAP guidance measures is not available on a forward-looking basis without unreasonable effort due to the uncertainty regarding, and the potential variability of, expenses that may be incurred in the future. Stock-based compensation-related charges, including employer payroll tax-related items on employee stock transactions, are impacted by many factors, including the timing of employee stock transactions, the future fair market value of our common stock, and our future hiring and retention needs, all of which are difficult to predict and subject to constant change. We have provided a reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP financial measures in the financial statement tables for our historical non-GAAP financial results included in this release. Webcast Conference Call Information The company will host a conference call on December 5, 2024 at 2:00 p.m. PT ( 5:00 p.m. ET ) to discuss its financial results. A live webcast of the event will be available on the Docusign Investor Relations website at investor.docusign.com . Prepared remarks and the news release with the financial results will also be accessible on Docusign's website prior to the webcast. A live dial-in will be available domestically at 877-407-0784 or internationally at 201-689-8560. A replay will be available domestically at 844-512-2921 or internationally at 412-317-6671 until midnight (EST) December 19, 2024 using the passcode 13750095. About Docusign Docusign brings agreements to life. Over 1.6 million customers and more than a billion people in over 180 countries use Docusign solutions to accelerate the process of doing business and simplify people's lives. With intelligent agreement management, Docusign unleashes business critical data that is trapped inside of documents. Until now, these were disconnected from business systems of record, costing businesses time, money, and opportunity. Using Docusign's IAM platform, companies can create, commit, and manage agreements with solutions created by the #1 company in e-signature and CLM. Learn more at www.docusign.com . Copyright 2024. Docusign, Inc. is the owner of DOCUSIGN® and all its other marks (www.docusign.com/IP). Investor Relations: Docusign Investor Relations investors@docusign.com Media Relations: Docusign Corporate Communications media@docusign.com Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains "forward-looking" statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, that are based on our management's beliefs and assumptions and on information currently available to management, and which statements involve substantial risk and uncertainties. All statements contained in this press release other than statements of historical fact, including statements regarding our future operating results and financial position, our business strategy and plans, market growth and trends, objectives for future operations, and the impact of such assumptions on our financial condition and results of operations are forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements in this press release also include, among other things, statements under "Guidance" above and any other statements about expected financial metrics, such as revenue, billings, non-GAAP gross margin, non-GAAP operating margin, non-GAAP diluted weighted-average shares outstanding, and non-financial metrics, as well as statements related to our expectations regarding the benefits, rollout and customer demand of the Docusign IAM platform. Forward-looking statements generally relate to future events or our future financial or operating performance. In some cases, you can identify forward-looking statements because they contain words such as "may," "will," "should," "expects," "plans," "anticipates," "could," "intends," "target," "projects," "contemplates," "believes," "estimates," "predicts," "potential," or "continue" or the negative of these words or other similar terms or expressions that concern our expectations, strategy, plans or intentions. Forward-looking statements contained in this press release include, but are not limited to, statements about: our expectations regarding global macro-economic conditions, including the effects of inflation, volatile interest rates, and market volatility on the global economy; our ability to estimate the size and growth of our total addressable market; our ability to compete effectively in an evolving and competitive market; the impact of any data breaches, cyberattacks or other malicious activity on our technology systems; our ability to effectively sustain and manage our growth and future expenses and maintain or increase future profitability; our ability to attract new customers and maintain and expand our existing customer base; our ability to effectively implement and execute our restructuring plans; our ability to scale and update our platform to respond to customers' needs and rapid technological change, including our ability to successfully incorporate generative artificial intelligence into our existing and future products; our ability to successfully execute our technical developments, go-to-market and sales strategy for our IAM platform; our ability to expand use cases within existing customers and vertical solutions; our ability to expand our operations and increase adoption of our platform internationally; our ability to strengthen and foster our relationships with developers; our ability to retain our direct sales force, customer success team and strategic partnerships around the world; our ability to identify targets for and execute potential acquisitions and to successfully integrate and realize the anticipated benefits of such acquisitions; our ability to maintain, protect and enhance our brand; the sufficiency of our cash, cash equivalents and capital resources to satisfy our liquidity needs; limitations on us due to obligations we have under our credit facility or other indebtedness; our ability to realize the anticipated benefits of our stock repurchase program; our failure or the failure of our software to comply with applicable industry standards, laws and regulations; our ability to maintain, protect and enhance our intellectual property; our ability to successfully defend litigation against us; our ability to attract large organizations as users; our ability to maintain our corporate culture; our ability to offer high-quality customer support; our ability to hire, retain and motivate qualified personnel, including executive level management; our ability to successfully manage and integrate executive management transitions; uncertainties regarding the impact of general economic and market conditions, including as a result of regional and global conflicts; and our ability to maintain proper and effective internal controls. Additional risks and uncertainties that could affect our financial results are included in the sections titled "Risk Factors" and "Management's Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations" in our annual report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2024 filed on March 21, 2024 , our quarterly report on Form 10-Q for the quarter ended October 31, 2024 , which we expect to file on December 6, 2024 with the Securities and Exchange Commission (the "SEC"), and other filings that we make from time to time with the SEC. The forward-looking statements made in this press release relate only to events as of the date on which such statements are made. We undertake no obligation to update any forward-looking statements after the date of this press release or to conform such statements to actual results or revised expectations, except as required by law. Non-GAAP Financial Measures and Other Key Metrics To supplement our consolidated financial statements, which are prepared and presented in accordance with GAAP, we use certain non-GAAP financial measures, as described below, to understand and evaluate our core operating performance. These non-GAAP financial measures, which may be different than similarly-titled measures used by other companies, are presented to enhance investors' overall understanding of our financial performance and should not be considered a substitute for, or superior to, the financial information prepared and presented in accordance with GAAP. We believe that these non-GAAP financial measures provide useful information about our financial performance, enhance the overall understanding of our past performance and future prospects, and allow for greater transparency with respect to important metrics used by our management for financial and operational decision-making. We present these non-GAAP measures to assist investors in seeing our financial performance using a management view, and because we believe that these measures provide an additional tool for investors to use in comparing our core financial performance over multiple periods with other companies in our industry. However, these non-GAAP measures are not intended to be considered in isolation from, a substitute for, or superior to our GAAP results. Non-GAAP gross profit, non-GAAP gross margin, non-GAAP operating expenses, non-GAAP income from operations, non-GAAP operating margin, non-GAAP net income and non-GAAP net income per share : We define these non-GAAP financial measures as the respective GAAP measures, excluding expenses related to stock-based compensation, employer payroll tax on employee stock transactions, amortization of acquisition-related intangibles, amortization of debt discount and issuance costs, fair value adjustments to strategic investments, acquisition-related expenses, lease-related impairment and lease-related charges, restructuring and other related charges, as these costs are not reflective of ongoing operations and, as applicable, other special items. The amount of employer payroll tax-related items on employee stock transactions is dependent on our stock price and other factors that are beyond our control and do not correlate to the operation of the business. When evaluating the performance of our business and making operating plans, we do not consider these items (for example, when considering the impact of equity award grants, we place a greater emphasis on overall stockholder dilution rather than the accounting charges associated with such grants). We believe it is useful to exclude these expenses in order to better understand the long-term performance of our core business and to facilitate comparison of our results to those of peer companies and over multiple periods. In addition to these exclusions, we subtract an assumed provision for income taxes to calculate non-GAAP net income. We utilize a fixed long-term projected tax rate in our computation of the non-GAAP income tax provision to provide better consistency across the reporting periods. For fiscal 2024 and fiscal 2025, we have determined the projected non-GAAP tax rate to be 20%. Free cash flow : We define free cash flow as net cash provided by operating activities less purchases of property and equipment. We believe free cash flow is an important liquidity measure of the cash that is available (if any), after purchases of property and equipment, for operational expenses, investment in our business, and to make acquisitions. Free cash flow is useful to investors as a liquidity measure because it measures our ability to generate or use cash in excess of our capital investments in property and equipment. Once our business needs and obligations are met, cash can be used to maintain a strong balance sheet and invest in future growth. Billings : We define billings as total revenues plus the change in our contract liabilities and refund liability less contract assets and unbilled accounts receivable in a given period. Billings reflects sales to new customers plus subscription renewals and additional sales to existing customers. Only amounts invoiced to a customer in a given period are included in billings. We believe billings can be used to measure our periodic performance, when taking into consideration the timing aspects of customer renewals, which represents a large component of our business. Given that most of our customers pay in annual installments one year in advance, but we typically recognize a majority of the related revenue ratably over time, we use billings to measure and monitor our ability to provide our business with the working capital generated by upfront payments from our customers. For a reconciliation of these non-GAAP financial measures to the most directly comparable GAAP financial measure, please see "Reconciliation of GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures" below. CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF OPERATIONS (Unaudited) Three Months Ended October 31, Nine Months Ended October 31, (in thousands, except per share data) 2024 2023 2024 2023 Revenue: Subscription $ 734,693 $ 682,352 $ 2,143,542 $ 1,991,026 Professional services and other 20,127 18,069 56,945 58,470 Total revenue 754,820 700,421 2,200,487 2,049,496 Cost of revenue: Subscription 134,587 114,227 393,561 339,354 Professional services and other 21,950 28,418 67,887 85,360 Total cost of revenue 156,537 142,645 461,448 424,714 Gross profit 598,283 557,776 1,739,039 1,624,782 Operating expenses: Sales and marketing 290,597 292,473 859,705 867,916 Research and development 151,101 136,640 432,992 387,964 General and administrative 97,555 108,215 277,162 316,910 Restructuring and other related charges — 710 29,721 30,293 Total operating expenses 539,253 538,038 1,599,580 1,603,083 Income from operations 59,030 19,738 139,459 21,699 Interest expense (462) (1,577) (1,150) (5,135) Interest income and other income, net 13,006 17,673 41,745 47,373 Income before provision for (benefit from) income taxes 71,574 35,834 180,054 63,937 Provision for (benefit from) income taxes 9,151 (2,971) (804,340) 17,198 Net income $ 62,423 $ 38,805 $ 984,394 $ 46,739 Net income per share attributable to common stockholders: Basic $ 0.31 $ 0.19 $ 4.81 $ 0.23 Diluted $ 0.30 $ 0.19 $ 4.69 $ 0.23 Weighted-average shares used in computing net income per share: Basic 203,567 204,456 204,674 203,609 Diluted 208,706 208,054 209,755 208,317 Stock-based compensation expense included in costs and expenses: Cost of revenue—subscription $ 14,862 $ 13,705 $ 44,636 $ 38,143 Cost of revenue—professional services and other 4,765 7,343 14,465 21,359 Sales and marketing 49,347 53,715 154,396 150,604 Research and development 53,184 48,310 150,816 129,458 General and administrative 31,070 36,337 91,239 111,271 Restructuring and other related charges — 8 4,836 4,996 CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS (Unaudited) (in thousands) October 31, 2024 January 31, 2024 Assets Current assets Cash and cash equivalents $ 610,870 $ 797,060 Investments—current 331,506 248,402 Accounts receivable, net 300,444 439,299 Contract assets—current 13,645 15,922 Prepaid expenses and other current assets 75,412 66,984 Total current assets 1,331,877 1,567,667 Investments—noncurrent 112,805 121,977 Property and equipment, net 278,623 245,173 Operating lease right-of-use assets 113,365 123,188 Goodwill 455,678 353,138 Intangible assets, net 83,307 50,905 Deferred contract acquisition costs—noncurrent 445,987 409,627 Deferred tax assets—noncurrent 816,538 2,031 Other assets—noncurrent 132,028 97,584 Total assets $ 3,770,208 $ 2,971,290 Liabilities and Equity Current liabilities Accounts payable $ 18,144 $ 19,029 Accrued expenses and other current liabilities 94,591 104,037 Accrued compensation 158,779 195,266 Contract liabilities—current 1,307,749 1,320,059 Operating lease liabilities—current 19,507 22,230 Total current liabilities 1,598,770 1,660,621 Contract liabilities—noncurrent 22,931 21,980CAMBRIDGE, Mass.—Donald Trump had a very clear message for his team: don’t spike the football after Joe Biden had a disastrous debate showing in June. Things were going well for Trump’s attempted return to political office, Biden was and as off his game, and the electorate was just starting to tune in. “Don’t go too hard on him. We want him around,” Trump told his staff, who shelved an ad for fear it would force Biden off the ballot, according to Trump’s co-campaign manager Chris LaCivita. Meanwhile, once Biden bowed to the pressure from fellow Democrats to step aside and clear the way for Kamala Harris to take the nomination in August, he had a blunt conversation with his Vice President. The chair of both Biden’s and Harris’ campaigns, Jen O’Malley Dillon, said Biden gave Harris permission to do what she needed to do to build distance with the White House. The risk of Trump’s return to power was greater than Biden’s badly bruised ego. Those were just two of the many behind-the-scenes stories shared Friday at a conference at Harvard’s Institute of Politics featuring the top hands of the major 2024 presidential campaigns. Typically, the two-day conference is coda to the election cycle. But this was a precedent-breaking campaign for a ton of reasons: two failed assassination , a nominee , China and Iran campaign emails, and a type of political last seen in 1885. The day was the first pass at a comprehensive oral history of the campaign. The election’s architects are still struggling to understand the outcome and extraordinary circumstances. And the Harvard conversation revealed just how personally many of these top minds in politics made the contest. “We run shit like we ought to run it,” O’Malley Dillon said under persistent second-guessing of how Biden’s and then Harris’ campaigns were led. Here are 11 revelations that help tell the real story of the 2024 campaign. Over and over again, Trump’s aides and adversaries alike kept returning to the fact that a huge chunk of the GOP universe started with an immovable and immutable affinity for Trump. Efforts to tear him down never really found footing, and it was nearly impossible for other candidates to gain traction during the primaries. Those who tried, like former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, ended up failing. Christie’s argument was pretty straightforward: Trump was a criminal unworthy of returning to power. Haley’s message was more nuanced, arguing Trump logged a net positive record but it was time to move past his era. Neither really prevailed. LaCivita further discounted any importance of Christie in the mix. “Chris Christie didn’t even enter into the discussion,” LaCivita said. “Chris Christie was never anything. Spare me the bullsh-t. ... He took up space, which he is very good at doing.” At another point, Trump political director James Blair said the efforts to take down Trump in the primary failed because they were not listening to real voters. “I’m sorry. No offense to Mike. But understand where the Republican electorate is,” Blair told Christie’s longtime strategist Mike DuHaime. For his part, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott thought his strict anti-abortion position could help him differentiate himself from Trump, especially with Evangelicals in Iowa. “He speaks their language. He’s one of them,” adviser Matt Gorman said. The campaign leadership all knew that Scott’s positions were pretty far afield from where most Americans were thinking about abortion rights, but they set their sights on performing well in Iowa first. “If we get to the general, we’ll figure it out then,” Gorman said. It was similarly ill-fated for former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson’s bid. “We had a candidate who was very much in the mold of 2012, 2008, 2004,” Hutchinson campaign manager Rob Burgess said. In other words, someone who was totally mismatched to the moment. And Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ efforts to run as “Trump Lite” or a more-electable version of Trumpism never seemed to find a glidepath. His efforts to reposition were even less credible. “Running to the right of Trump is not possible,” Blair said. An initial begrudging respect for DeSantis quickly faded once the campaign got underway. “We never saw anyone else as a serious threat,” Blair said. “We didn’t want a one-on-one with DeSantis.” Chief Trump pollster Tony Fabrizio echoed that in his own summary of the race: “DeSantis was a real threat. No offense to anybody else, but DeSantis was a real threat.” To fix that, the Trump team worked to “delegitimize” DeSantis, as Fabrizio described it, as a weirdo “who ate with his fingers.” “The attacks that we levied against Ron worked because they were believable,” deputy campaign manager Taylor Budowich said. LaCivita even laughed at how his team trolled DeSantis, including handing out chocolates shaped like boots to suggest their rival was lifts in his shoes. By the time they were toward Iowa, it was clear that DeSantis was playing way too hard for an impossible victory there. “He was never going to win Iowa. He raised expectations for him and lowered them for Trump,” Haley campaign manager Betsy Ankney said. “DeSantis ran a terrible campaign. He started with every advantage and he sort of imploded.” Others, too, initially saw DeSantis as the one to knock down a peg. “We viewed those two as the monsters in the race. They were inevitably going to clash,” said Mike Zolnierowicz, an adviser to North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, said of DeSantis and Trump. Budowich, who earlier in his career worked to help DeSantis’ policy team come together, was unapologetic in his pluck against his former boss. “A lot of us woke up every morning thinking about how we would destroy Ron DeSantis. They were thinking about where they were going to happy hour in Tallahassee," Budowich said. The pile-on met little pushback. DeSantis’ campaign did not send a representative to the Harvard event. “It’s too bad we don’t have our other Florida friends here,” Budowich said dryly. It’s almost gospel at this point, but it remains a sacred reality that Trump doesn’t listen to anyone but himself. LaCivita said there were about 10 days when it was possible that Trump would have joined the primary debates. Network execs and star anchors were burning up Trump’s cell phone, making a self-interested play to get him onstage to boost their ratings. “Everyone in the world is calling him,” LaCivita said. But refusing to participate became a way for Trump to pick a fight with the Republican National Committee. “There was no way he was going to do it.” That was generally how most things in that campaign worked. “We didn’t over-analyze anything. In politics, people tend to over-analyze, over-think everything. Sometimes you have to accept the situation you’re in and you have to find the easiest, or most painless, way out of a problem,” LaCivita said. “You’re looking at Donald Trump. He’s Teflon.” While the quants had plenty of data about what was working and what wasn’t, there really was no meaningful substitute for the boss’ judgments. “You don’t sit down and say, ‘We have to do things this way.’ That’s a non-starter,” LaCivita said. But what they did in a very nimble way was to turn weekly jam sessions on policy—sometimes six hours at a time on camera for direct-to-viewer messages about a second-term agenda—into workshops on the hows and whys of governing and campaigning. At other junctures, they sent Trump into press conferences and interviews to get the juices flowing and get him practicing for the debates, even if they didn’t tell him what the goals were. “Donald Trump doesn’t prepare for debates like the way I’ve done it for 35 years... It’s an entirely different process. He doesn’t really do prep,” LaCivita said. The Trump campaign understood they could win if the race was based on policy and performance, but could not prevail if voters were deciding on personalities, Fabrizio said. But “you cannot control it,” Fabrizio said of Trump. LaCivita was equally resigned: “Worry about what you can control. On the campaign, I worried about what I could control. He was not one of them.” Trump’s team intentionally kept second-tier rivals in the mix as long as possible because, to their mind, a jumbled and crowded field split Trump skeptics and denied a serious one-on-one race. An errant social media post from Trump was sufficient to move the conversation of the entire primary field, and most of the Trump-free debates still started with questions about his campaign. “Every time you did something like that, it gave us another four days,” Hutchinson campaign manager Burgess said of Trump’s team mentioning the Governor in a social media post or statement. “Every time you put us in a press release, it was good.” That kept the GOP field unsettled until it was almost too late for anyone to rise. “The game was always going to be who was going to be the alternative... You have to get to the one-on-one spot,” Ankney of Haley’s team said. But with Trump’s onslaught of headline-grabbing antics, there never were real ways for that to winnow. “It blocked out everything else,” Ankney said. In hindsight, the campaigns all divided the vote in ways that only benefited Trump. “While running against Trump, they were helping Trump,” DuHaime said. Fabrizio and his allies were openly contemptuous of efforts—in the primary and then the general—to reach more voters. Instead of chasing 10 people and hoping to win one new person, they opted to go narrow and hard at their base, hoping to get two out of three contacts. By the end, they stopped looking at the broad universe of voters and instead went hard for low-propensity voters. “It was hyper-targeted on people who are not reachable by any other way,” Blair said. By contrast, Fabrizio said, the rivals adopted what amounted to a “spray and pray” approach. The Democrats, meanwhile, described a contest that consistently had their nominees trailing but within the margin of error—giving them flashes of hope until the end. “A floor and a ceiling can be the same thing,” Harris principal deputy campaign manager Quentin Fulks said. No one disputes thatBiden had an unmitigated of a debate on June 27. He stammered through a sloppy night facing off in what would be this cycle’s lone debate against Trump. Calls for his exit came quickly and loudly. It was an evening that reinforced the quiet rumblings whether octogenarian Biden was up for another four-year term. “The President prepped. I was at debate prep. He was strong. He was ready,” O’Malley Dillon said. But, she added, “We all saw what happened at the debate. He also is old and he knew that and we knew that. He’s also Joe Biden. ... We were not Pollyannish about any of that.” Fulks was equally as blunt: “We’re not blind, of course.” Another Biden deputy campaign manager, Rob Flaherty, did nothing to hide the disappointment: “Obviously, it was not a good night.” At Trump headquarters, the strategists went to work right away to build out research packets on potential replacements for Biden. They had one on Harris, but they wanted to look more widely, including what a potential campaign against someone like former First Lady Michelle Obama or former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would look like. But they pushed pause on an ad hitting Biden for a poor showing, worried that it would have hastened Biden’s exit. They tweaked the programming for the debate in July to make sure the scripts were about the Biden-Harris administration, not just Biden. “We included her, but we didn’t lead with her,” Fabrizio said. At Biden HQ, the campaign thought they could weather the bad headlines. “In order to get out of the hole, we had to fight through it,” O’Malley Dillon said. At least until they couldn’t. Biden let his top hands know on July 21 that he’d be dropping out of the race. O’Malley Dillon said she and campaign manager Julie Chavez Rodriguez both cried that day, and insisted there had been zero planning for that moment. “Not one ounce,” O’Malley Dillon said. She called Flaherty, who oversaw the digital aspects of the campaign including its email and social media platforms, at 1:06 p.m and told him he needed to ready the news to go live at 1:45 p.m. They then realized they had to plug Harris’ nomination into a long-standing convention plan. “We had a convention that was built for Joe Biden,” said O’Malley Dillon. (By the way, those persistent of a celebrity appearance at the convention? “F-king bullsh-t,” she said.) The shuffle was a shock to Trump’s team. “July 21st comes and it’s— —you hit a brick wall,” Fabrizio said. Trump and his allies sped up the advertising spending plan to start to define Harris before she and her allies had a chance to do it for her. “It was like immediately going into overdrive,” Fabrizio said. Because it was a Sunday, some had to postpone personal plans, like going to the beach. O’Malley Dillon had little sympathy for her rivals: “A lot of things got f–ked.” Then there were the attempts on Trump’s life, including a July 13 shooting at a rally in Butler, Pa., and a thwarted sequel near a Florida golf course on Sept. 15. They brought a huge shift in how the campaign was able to move. “From that point on, two-thirds of the time was spent on things that had nothing to do with a campaign,” LaCivita said. They had to deploy decoy motorcades for fear of more assassination attempts. The same was true for decoy airplanes. Events couldn’t be outside without more precautions, the thick bullet-proof glass framing for Trump’s podiums didn’t move easily. “It severely limited us where we could campaign,” Fabrizio said. LaCivita spoke sharply about the Secret Service’s leadership for hampering their nimbleness: top officials “dragged ass” in keeping Trump under glass, he said. With limited time, Harris wanted to bait Trump into more debates after their first and only match-up on Sept. 10. Trump’s team told him not to fall for it, despite a push from Fox News and party insiders. O’Malley Dillon said they wanted to debate so badly they’d have allowed one hosted by a Fox News anchor. Meanwhile, Trump’s team was nervous about a second debate against Harris given she landed plenty of blows in the first one. But O’Malley Dillon said she does not list a lack of a second debate as a deciding factor in the election. It could have even hurt Harris: pollster Molly Murphy said Harris could have lost ground if she had a bad night. “We were up against a caricature of being dangerously liberal,” O’Malley Dillon said. A devastating anti-transgender ad from the Trump campaign feed that image, coupled with Harris’ ties to the unpopular Biden record. Efforts to draft Republican former Rep. Liz Cheney made some difference in suburban areas in Blue Wall states. But Harris’ flub on was seen as a problem that was not going to be a one-day story. Given a softball to explain what she might have done differently than Biden, she said “not a thing that comes to mind.” “It was a big looming negative hanging over us the whole time,” Fulks said. “We didn’t lose this f—king race because of ,” O’Malley Dillon said. Trump’s camp had its own flubs in the final stretch. But his team didn’t think a racially insensitive comedian at a Madison Square Garden rally would in the end. “We knew it would blow over,” Fabrizio said. By the time Election Day arrived, O’Malley Dillon felt the Harris campaign was facing a different standard than the one enjoyed by Trump. O’Malley Dillon also said that Harris’ race and gender did not decide the race on their own, but cannot be ignored. “There is no way to look at this race without factoring that in,” she said. That doesn’t mean the Harris defeat is any less painful for her advisers. “We lost,” O’Malley Dillon said. “So everything requires us to relook at everything.” But asked directly if Biden would have won if he stayed in the race, O’Malley Dillon was summarily dismissive: “We don’t engage in hypotheticals.”

1. Myth: If you have pneumonia, you should immediately take antibiotics.

Title: Sichuan Villagers Express Frustration Over Dilapidated Rural Roads, Urge for Repairs to Ease Travel DifficultiesTitle: Wang Chuqin Clarifies Uncontroversial Ball Tracking System Ensures Fairness

Related hot word search:

Previous: mcw casino mobile
Next: mcw casino mx